Harry Markopolos knew right away that Bernie Madoff was a crook.


While working for Rampart Investment Management in 1999, Markopolos was told about a money manager whose consistent profits seemed too good to be true. When Markopolos looked at Madoff’s financial records, he saw that the returns rose steadily at a 45-degree angle, with none of the wide swings usually associated with big-time investors.
“It was like a baseball player batting .966 for an entire season,” Markopolos said in an interview to promote the documentary “Chasing Madoff,” which chronicles his nine-year quest to expose Madoff’s Ponzi scheme.
Markopolos alerted the Securities and Exchange Commission several times, but the agency failed to investigate. The swindle continued until Madoff confessed to his family and was arrested in December 2008. Madoff, now 73, pleaded guilty and was sentenced to 150 years in prison.
With his thinning brown hair and lanky build, the 54-year- old Markopolos looks more like a middle-aged accountant than a feared gumshoe. Markopolos, now an independent fraud investigator in Boston, wore a blue suit, a mustard-colored shirt and a brightly patterned tie as we spoke in New York last week.
Warner: Madoff is going to die in jail. Do you feel vindicated?
Markopolos: No, I feel regret that he wasn’t stopped earlier. We tried, but nobody would listen.
Sociopath’s Apology
Warner: Madoff has apologized to his victims. Do you think he’s sincere?
Markopolos: I don’t trust any apology from a sociopath. It doesn’t make me feel any better about what happened, and it certainly doesn’t help the victims. He’s a man who caused so much misery and heartbreak.
Warner: Why were you ignored for so long?
Markopolos: Because the case was too big. Nobody would believe that the world’s biggest hedge fund was a fraud.
Warner: What about the SEC? Isn’t it their job to catch financial crooks?
Markopolos: The SEC had been captured by the industry it was supposed to regulate. Instead of protecting investors from Wall Street predators, it was protecting Wall Street predators from defrauded investors. The SEC wasn’t corrupt. It was systematically incompetent, which is far worse.
Feared for Life
Warner: For a while, you feared for your life and carried a gun. What made you so scared?
Markopolos: I discovered that Russian and Colombian gangsters were placing large sums into feeder funds, which were then giving the money to Bernie. If the Ponzi scheme unraveled, they were going to lose a lot of money. And people like that have a unique way of handling manager terminations.
Warner: Do you think Madoff’s family knew about the scam?
Markopolos: Of course they did. The sons were marketing for Bernie, and his wife helped with the accounting. Bernie’s younger brother, Peter, was chief compliance officer and Peter’s daughter, Shana, was the No. 2 compliance person. It’s ludicrous to think that the family wasn’t involved.
Warner: What about the clients? Did some of them know what Madoff was doing?
Markopolos: They had to suspect that Bernie was a crook. But as long as he was stealing on their behalf, they weren’t going to ask too many questions.
Picard’s Recovery
Warner: Irving Picard, the trustee in charge of liquidating Madoff’s company, has recovered about half of the $17.3 billion in principal that investors lost. Do you think he’s doing a good job?
Markopolos: Picard has exceeded all expectations. You can trade on Picard’s claims, and the last time I checked they were trading 70 cents on the dollar. That implies that Picard will recover between 85 cents and a dollar on every dollar lost.
Warner: Last year, Congress approved sweeping regulatory reform of the financial industry. Do you think that will prevent another Madoff?
Markopolos: Only nine people have been arrested in the U.S. in the Madoff case. What kind of message does that send? I think the lesson is, crime pays. Same thing with the big banks that generated tons of falsified mortgage loans. What happened to them? They all got bailed out.
“Chasing Madoff,” from Cohen Media Group, opens tomorrow in New York, Boston, Washington, Miami and Los Angeles.

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Sir Fred Goodwin was obsessed with biscuits and had anger problems

Sir Fred Goodwin was obsessed with biscuits and had anger problems, a new book claims.

The former Royal Bank of Scotland boss, who was known as "Fred the Shred" because of his obsession with cutting costs, left the taxpayer with a £45 billion bailout bill.

According to the book, he was a terrible boss to work for. The book claims Sir Fred, 53, could not control his anger if the wrong type of biscuit was put in the boardroom, and even threatened catering staff with disciplinary action in an email titled "Rogue Biscuits" after executives were offered pink wafers.

RBS staff also "went into panic mode" after a window cleaner fell off a ladder in Sir Fred's office and broke a toy plane, the authors allege.

At dinner functions, an engineer was also kept on standby until the early hours to switch off fire alarms when executives wanted to smoke.

Peter de Vink, managing director of Edinburgh Financial & General Holdings, said bank staff "were absolutely terrified of him".

Details of Sir Fred's fall are revealed in the book: Masters Of Nothing: The Crash And How It Will Happen Again, which goes on sale next month.

Written by two Tory MPs - George Osborne's former chief of staff Matthew Hancock and Nadhim Zahawi - it claims that Sir Fred wasted huge sums indulging his personal tastes.

The authors allege that £5.3 million was spent refurbishing a listed building - known as "Sir Fred's Pleasure Dome" by staff - that was rarely used and the lobby outside his office was redecorated with wallpaper costing £1,000 a roll because someone had made a tiny stain on a surface.

The book also claims that fruit was flown in daily from Paris. Sir Fred, a father of two, lost his £4.2 million-a-year job as chief executive of RBS as a condition of the taxpayer-funded bailout in 2008 which saved the bank from the worst corporate loss in British history.

But he was vilified after it emerged that he received a pension of £703,000 a year, later reduced to £342,000. He now advises an architecture firm.

Recently it emerged that Sir Fred had taken out a privacy injunction to cover up an affair that he had with a married woman colleague as he led RBS to disaster.

On Saturday it was reported that Sir Fred had been kicked out of the family home by Lady Goodwin, his wife of 21 years.

RBS said it had no comment on the allegations

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British taxpayers who have money stashed in Swiss banks could see a significant chunk taken by the Treasury after a deal was struck between the two countries.




The Treasury suspects some UK residents have not paid enough tax
Existing account holders could be hit by a one-off deduction of between 19% and 34% in an attempt to settle any tax they owe.
Those who have already declared the full details of where their money is and paid their taxes should be unaffected by the plan, which could raise £5bn for Treasury coffers by 2015.
It is difficult to forecast how much it will bring in over the long term as British depositors in Swiss banks may rearrange their finances in response to the move.
Chancellor George Osborne said the agreement heralded the end of an era when it was "easy to stash the profits of tax evasion in Switzerland".
UK residents with money in Switzerland will also be affected by a new tax deducted at source, which will be 48% on investment income and 27% on gains.

George Osborne said the wealthy must pay their fair share
The two countries have agreed to share more information and, as a gesture of good faith, Swiss banks will make an up-front payment to the UK of £384m.
The country is keen to shed its image as a safe haven for money that has not been properly declared to HM Revenue and Customs in the UK.
"Tax evasion is wrong at the best of times, but in economic circumstances like this it means that hard-pressed, law-abiding taxpayers are forced to pay even more," Mr Osborne said.
"That is why this coalition Government made it a priority to go after those who don't pay their fair share.
"We will be as tough on the richest who evade tax as on those who cheat on benefits."
There is a stark choice for those who have abused Swiss banking secrecy - come forward and disclose, or run the risk of losing over a third of your historic Swiss assets.
Paul Harrison, KPMG's head of tax investigations
The deal is politically significant because the coalition wants to demonstrate its cuts to some benefits are being matched by equally stringent policies affecting the rich.
Describing it as an "historic" announcement, Exchequer Secretary to the Treasury David Gauke said too many people had abused Swiss banking secrecy.
"The message is clear: there is no hiding place for tax cheats," he added.
However, experts warned wealthy UK residents may simply transfer their cash elsewhere to avoid paying up.
Chris Oates, head of Ernst and Young's tax controversy team, predicts more people will move their assets to Liechtenstein.
"This will undoubtedly provide a much-needed boost to the UK's finances. It is expected to generate billions of additional tax flows to the UK Exchequer," he said.

The coalition wants to show it is targeting rich cheats, not just benefit claimants
"But HMRC will miss an opportunity to establish whether these individual cases are involved in much wider tax evasion as it will only be based on Swiss assets."
KPMG's head of tax investigations, Paul Harrison, said the move was "very significant".
"It seems there is a stark choice for those who have abused Swiss banking secrecy - come forward and disclose, or run the risk of losing over a third of your historic Swiss assets," he explained.
"But the authorities need to take care that the innocent and the confused do not get caught up in this.
"There will be people who simply don't know whether they have a problem and they will need help to sort their affairs out."

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Credit Suisse Group AG has appointed five directors and six vice-presidents across its equities, fixed income and investment banking business in India

Credit Suisse Group AG has appointed five directors and six vice-presidents across its equities, fixed income and investment banking business in India, the company said in a statement on Wednesday.

The announcement comes days after sources told Reuters the Swiss bank was cutting its India wealth management unit by 20 percent as part of global staff reduction plans in tough market conditions.

The new hires include Graham Lappin, formerly of Royal Bank of Scotland , who joins as a director in equity sales, and Neil Bharadwaj, who joins as a director and chief operating officer and senior control officer for Credit Suisse's Mumbai bank branch. He was previously with Bank of America .

Kiran Chakravarthy joins as a director in fixed income sales, the bank said. He was previously with BNP Paribas , while Ankur Choudhary joins as a director in the bank's global markets solutions group. She was previously with JPMorgan

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Credit default swaps on RBS subordinated debt yesterday closed at a new high of 662 basis points

Credit default swaps on RBS subordinated debt yesterday closed at a new high of 662 basis points, meaning that to buy protection against the possibility of the state-backed lender missing an interest payment would cost £662,000 a year on a £10m holding of the bonds.
The previous high in RBS CDS was in February 2009 when it reached 649 basis points at the height of the financial crisis that only months before had forced the British government to take an 83pc stake in the bank as it stood on the brink of collapse.
The rise in the perceived risk of RBS has been dramatic and only a month ago the cost of insuring the lender’s junior debt against default stood at 385 basis points.
CDS quoted on the subordinated debt of other several other major UK banks is currently running at 12-month highs, with Barclays at 445 basis points, HSBC at 192.81 basis points, and even Standard Chartered, which had been relatively immune to the fears, at 243 basis points.
“The CDS is essentially an insurance contract used by investors for hedging, so it tends to be much more volatile than the actual interest cost a bank pays on its debt,” said Jon Peace, the London-based head of European banks research at Nomura.

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Europe's doomed euro

Few people predicted the global financial crisis. Everybody predicted the crisis of the eurozone.

Read almost any critique of the euro from just a few years ago and you'll be struck by their foresight. The euro will encourage government profligacy - tick. The euro will be extremely vulnerable to a housing bubble - tick. It will rely on the willingness of stronger economies to bail out weak ones - tick. And it will do nothing to buffer Europe from an American downturn - tick.

These objections were raised by everyone from Paul Krugman to Milton Friedman.

So how on Earth did Europe get its doomed euro - an idea which was viewed with deep scepticism if not outright hostility by some of the finest economic minds of the age?

As Romano Prodi, the European president said in 2002, "The introduction of the euro is not economic at all. It is a completely political step".

Europe switched its currency for geopolitical purposes and got burned.

In his Euro On Trial (written well before the financial crisis) the economic historian Brendan Brown argues that the European monetary union was a power play between French policymakers and German monetary authorities. Germany is Europe's largest economy and the Deutschmark was its strongest currency. The influence of the Deutschmark was seen as a threat to both France's strategic interests and its moral leadership of Europe. French politicians worried that bolstered by monetary strength Germany could act independently of Europe, forging a unique relationship with the United States and even the Soviet Union.

So for the French, a common currency offered glue with which Germany could be stuck in Europe. German foreign policy interests could be overcome by French ones.

Of course, the Germans knew this. French politicians actively raised the spectre of German nationalism when campaigning for the common currency. But these days the only country which fears German power more than France is Germany. For historical reasons, Berlin wanted a deeper European Union. If that meant sacrificing the Deutschmark for French support, so be it.

In adopting the euro, both France and Germany were subordinating economic policy to foreign policy, each trying to bind future German politicians.

The economist Philipp Bagus also argues that prudence of the Bundesbank, the German central bank which dominated Europe, restrained other European countries from excessive spending. This discipline was, needless to say, unwanted. Get rid of the Bundesbank, and the spigots of government largess could open freely.

No wonder that in 2004 the Czech president Vaclav Klaus argued that the euro creates a perfect environment for fiscal irresponsibility.

Certainly, there was an intellectual case presented for monetary union. The theory of optimal currency areas suggests that, at the very least, the size of some currency jurisdictions are better than others.

Then there are the intuitive benefits of currency consolidation. Single currencies reduce the costs of trade, at least a little bit. One currency makes it easy to compare prices across the continent.

But there was no reason to suggest that Europe was such an optimal currency area. (Europe's economies are, obviously, different.) Even if it was, which countries opted in and opted out of the monetary union was, again, dictated by political considerations, not economic theory.

And the mild convenience of being able to compare prices between Barcelona and Berlin without using a currency converter seems to be a very mild benefit considering the costs of monetary union.

One of the more reasonable polemics in support of the European project was by the British author Mark Leonard - Why Europe Will Run The 21st Century. Social democratic Europe would retake world leadership from liberal democratic United States. And in Leonard's view, a common currency would be a core foundation in Europe's revitalisation - luring the centre of global finance back across the Atlantic.

Leonard's book was published in 2005. How times have changed.

In 2011, we can read in the Guardian that "the monetary union, unlike the EU itself, is an unambiguously right-wing project".

It's hard to see why. The European ideal is a long way from its classical liberal origins in a free trade and migration alliance. The 1957 Treaty of Rome set up a simple union of free movement in goods, services, capital, and people.

That early classical liberal vision is very different from the vision of Europe which informed the euro - one in which not only borders are being eliminated but policy differences as well. The monetary union sought to eliminate inter-state competition for the most stable currency. In the Europe of the 21st century, taxes are being harmonised. Regulations are being increased.

The Spanish prime minister said in 1998 that "The single currency is a decision of an essentially political character… We need a united Europe."

Unfortunately, the only people who have been surprised by the euro's failure have been the politicians who thought monetary policy should be a weapon for international diplomacy.

 

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European Failure to Solve Region’s Banking Crisis Returns to Haunt Markets

Four years to the month since the global credit crisis began, European lenders remain dependent on central bank aid, plaguing markets and economies worldwide.
Emergency steps such as unlimited loans from the European Central Bank are keeping many banks in Greece, Portugal, Italy and Spain solvent and greasing the lending of others, while low interest rates and debt-buying are containing borrowing costs. Such aid is needed as concerns about slowing economic growth and sovereign debt prompt banks to curb lending, stockpile dollars and hoard cash in safe havens.
“I’m not sleeping at night,” said Charles Wyplosz, director of the Geneva-based International Center for Money and Banking Studies. “We have moved into a new phase of crisis.”
Central bankers rescued financial firms after the collapse of Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc. in 2008 by providing limitless funding of as long as a year. While they treated the symptom -- a lack of ready cash -- politicians, regulators and bankers in Europe have proved unable to cure the root cause: some European lenders are at growing risk of insolvency.
The tremors, the biggest since Lehman’s collapse, were triggered by European governments’ continuing inability to stop the sovereign debt crisis from spreading beyond Greece, Portugal and Ireland to Italy and Spain. Renewed signs of economic weakness globally and the downgrading of U.S. debt by Standard & Poor’s rekindled concern about the quality of all government debt.
Bank Stocks Tumble
The signs of distress are widespread and mounting: Banks deposited 128.7 billion euros ($186 billion) overnight with the ECB yesterday, more than three times this year’s average, rather than lend the money to other firms. Banks also borrowed 555 million euros from the Frankfurt-based ECB’s overnight marginal lending facility, up from 90 million euros the day before.
European bank stocks have sunk 20 percent this month, led by Royal Bank of Scotland Group Plc (RBS) and Societe Generale (GLE) SA. Edinburgh-based RBS, Britain’s biggest government-controlled lender, has tumbled 43 percent, and Paris-based Societe Generale, France’s second-largest bank, dropped 39 percent.
The extra yield investors demand to buy bank bonds instead of benchmark government debt surged to 302 basis points yesterday, or 3.02 percentage points, the highest since July 2009, data compiled by Bank of America Merrill Lynch show. The cost of insuring that debt against default surged to a record today. The Markit iTraxx Financial Index linked to senior debt of 25 European banks and insurers rose to 252 basis points, compared with 149 when Lehman collapsed.
Greek Default Concern
It was the specter of government debt turning toxic that has revived the liquidity crisis policy makers had tried to stop in 2008. As speculation grew that European banks would have to write down their holdings of more governments’ debt after a Greek default, lenders pulled funding to those banks that held the most peripheral debt. It also raised concern European governments would struggle to afford a further bail out of their banks, because both the state and the lenders had failed to reduce their borrowings since the onset of the crisis.
“The debt has been transferred from the banks to the sovereign, but it hasn’t actually been eradicated,” said Gary Greenwood, a banking analyst at Shore Capital in Liverpool. “Until the sovereigns get their balance sheets in order, then these concerns are going to remain.”
Funding markets have seized up as investors speculate that sovereign debt writedowns are inevitable. Banks in the region hold 98.2 billion euros of Greek sovereign debt, 317 billion euros of Italian government debt and about 280 billion euros of Spanish bonds, according to European Banking Authority data.
Euribor-OIS
The difference between the three-month euro interbank offered rate, or Euribor, and the overnight indexed swap rate, a measure of banks’ reluctance to lend to each other, was at 0.66 percentage point today, within 4 basis points of the widest spread since May 2009.
“The central bank is the only clearer left to settle funds between banks,” said Christoph Rieger, head of fixed-income strategy at Commerzbank AG (CBK) in Frankfurt. “There is a mistrust between banks in general, between regions and with dollar providers overall.”
Overseas banks operating in the U.S. may have cut dollar holdings by as much as $300 billion in the past four weeks as European banks faced a squeeze on funding and sought dollars, Jens Nordvig, a managing director of currency research at Nomura Holdings Inc. in New York said Aug. 18. Dollar assets declined by about 38 percent to $550 billion in the period, he said.
‘More Nervous’
“Banks are becoming more nervous about being exposed to other banks as they hoard liquidity and become more suspicious of other banks’ balance sheets,” Guillaume Tiberghien, analyst at Exane BNP Paribas (BNP), wrote in a note to clients on Aug. 19.
By contrast, banks in the U.S. are “flush” with liquidity, loan loss reserves and capital, Goldman Sachs Group Inc. analyst Richard Ramsden wrote in an Aug. 6 report. Large commercial banks combined holdings of cash and securities at large have climbed to 30 percent of managed assets, up from 22 percent at the start of the U.S. financial crisis in October 2007, Ramsden wrote, citing Federal Reserve data.
The Federal Reserve, which provided as much as $1.2 trillion of loans to banks in December 2008, wound down most of its emergency programs by early 2010. One of the few exceptions was the central-bank liquidity swap lines that provide dollars to the ECB and other central banks so they can in turn auction off the dollars to banks in their own jurisdictions.
Trichet, Bernanke
Banks’ woes are again thrusting central bankers to the fore as ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet joins Fed Chairman Ben S. Bernanke and their counterparts from around the world in traveling this week to Jackson Hole, Wyoming for the Kansas City Fed’s annual policy symposium.
After increasing its benchmark rate twice this year to counter inflation, the ECB this month provided relief for banks by buying Italian and Spanish bonds for the first time, lending unlimited funds for six months, and providing one unnamed bank with dollars to satisfy the first such request since February. In doing so, it’s maintaining a role it began in August 2007 when it injected cash into markets after they began to freeze.
Coming to the rescue isn’t easy for the ECB. Its balance sheet is now 73 percent bigger than in August 2007 and its latest bond-buying opened it to accusations that by rescuing profligate nations it’s breaking a rule of the euro’s founding treaty and undermining its credibility. Policy makers are also divided over the best course of action, with Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann among those opposing the bond program.
Economic Threat
The central bank is acting in part because governments have yet to ratify a plan to extend the scope of a 440-billion euro rescue facility to allow it to buy bonds and inject capital into banks. Markets tumbled last week on concern policy makers aren’t acting fast enough.
The funding difficulties of banks was one reason cited by Morgan Stanley economists Aug. 17 for cutting their forecast for euro-area economic growth this year to 0.5 percent next year, less than half the 1.2 percent previously anticipated. They now expect the ECB to reverse this year’s rate increases, returning its benchmark to 1 percent by the end of next year.
The economic threat is greater in Europe because consumers and companies are more reliant on banks for funding than their U.S. counterparts, said Tobias Blattner, a former ECB economist now at Daiwa Capital Markets Europe in London. He says the ECB should eventually try to hand over fire-fighting duties either to governments, who would then inject capital into financial firms, or national central banks, who could provide short-term loans to lenders.
‘Uncharted Territory’
Longer-term solutions may involve the restructuring the debt of cash-strapped nations in a way that doesn’t roil bank balance sheets, potentially in lockstep with a European version of the U.S.’s Troubled Asset Relief Program.
Lena Komileva, Group-of-10 strategy head at Brown Brothers Harriman & Co. in London, said the central bank may have no option but to extend the backstop role it is playing for periphery banks to lenders elsewhere. Refusal to do so would risk a European bank default by the end of the year, she said.
“Markets are back in uncharted territory,” said Komileva. “The crisis is a whole new story now.”

 

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Germany's Central Bank Criticizes Rescue Plan

The euro zone's rescue plan to end its sovereign-debt crisis will weaken the foundations of the currency union and could increase states' tendency to build up debts, Germany's Bundesbank warned Monday, taking a hard stance against an agreement that German Chancellor Angela Merkel still has to persuade her government to support.

The deal, which euro-zone leaders agreed to at a summit on July 21 but requires the approval of euro-zone governments, represents "a big step towards sharing the risks of shaky state finances and economic mistakes" across the euro-zone, the Bundesbank said in its monthly report.

That "weakens the foundations of the currency union", which is based on "fiscal responsibility and discipline through the capital markets," the Bundesbank said. Without a fiscal or political union, July's deal could put pressure on the European Central Bank to "loosen the common monetary policy" and increase states' tendency to build up debts, the bank said.

In the agreement, European Union leaders approved expanding the size and powers of the EU's rescue fund, the European Financial Stability Facility. The Bundesbank said that since the deal doesn't offer donor countries much more influence over the fiscal policies of bailed-out states, it could increase states' tendency to build up debts.

Germany's central bank has long been a staunch opponent of loose monetary policy. Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann opposed the ECB's recent decision to reactivate its bond-buying program to buy Spanish and Italian debt, a person familiar with the matter said earlier this month. Mr. Weidmann's predecessor, Axel Weber, was an outspoken opponent of the ECB's bond purchases.

Ms. Merkel has resisted pressure from some EU officials and euro-zone countries to support euro-zone bonds, which have been suggested as a solution to the bloc's debt crisis. On Sunday, she warned that euro-zone bonds would collectivize debt without transferring national budget sovereignty to Europe. Such bonds would lead to a "debt union and not a stability union," she said.

Still, Ms. Merkel expressed confidence that her center-right coalition would approve the changes to the euro zone's rescue fund agreed in July. "I expect that we will get it [a majority]," Ms. Merkel said.

The Bundesbank's criticism of July's deal won't make that task any easier. Several lawmakers from Ms. Merkel's Christian Democratic Union party and from her junior coalition partner, the Free Democrats, have already announced they will vote against the changes. Ms. Merkel plans to hold an extraordinary meeting of CDU lawmakers Tuesday to try to approve the changes by the end of September.

Euro-zone governments are rushing changes to the EFSF through their parliaments, in order to take pressure off the European Central Bank, which has bought euro-zone government bonds worth about €36 billion ($51.82 billion) over the past two weeks after the debt crisis spread to Spain and Italy. The ECB is keen to hand responsibility for bond-buying to the EFSF, but can only do so once the fund is authorized to buy bonds in the secondary market.

The Bundesbank also reiterated its proposal for an automatic three-year extension clause for euro-zone government bonds, to be activated when a country seeks help from the European Stability Mechanism, a permanent rescue fund due to launch in 2013.

Still, despite the euro-zone's debt woes, Germany's economic recovery is likely to continue in the second half of 2011, albeit at a slower pace, the Bundesbank said.

The central bank confirmed that Germany's gross domestic product is likely to expand by around 3% this year, despite the sharp slowdown in the second quarter and risks from the euro-zone debt crisis.

Germany's economy grew by just 0.1% quarter-to-quarter in the April-June period, down from 1.3% in the previous quarter, the state statistics office said last week.

The second-quarter slowdown "is in itself no evidence that the German boom has softened due to weaker overseas demand and increased uncertainty," the Bundesbank said.

 

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Italy’s Debt Burden May Balloon as Austerity Smothers Growth

Italy’s austerity drive, enacted in exchange for European Central Bank bond purchases driving down borrowing costs, may backfire as it chokes the economic growth needed to ease Europe’s second-biggest debt burden.
Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi’s Cabinet approved 45.5 billion euros ($66 billion) in deficit reductions in Rome on Aug. 12, the nation’s second austerity package in a month, to balance the budget in 2013 and convince investors that Italy can trim debt of about 120 percent of gross domestic product. That’s the biggest ratio in Europe after Greece, whose fiscal woes sparked the sovereign crisis last year.
While the back-to-back packages aim to eliminate Italy’s budget gap, spending cuts and tax increases risk damaging the economy at a time when the global recovery is stumbling. The measures, already in effect, require parliamentary approval that starts today as Senate committees review the law before both houses vote in September.
“There are clear downside risks to growth emanating from such a sharp fiscal tightening profile, which could tip Italy’s fragile economy into a recession,” said Vladimir Pillonca, an economist at Societe Generale SA in London. That could “weaken revenue growth and undermine the ongoing fiscal adjustment” in the face of other challenges, such as “shocks to risk premiums and/or interest rates.”
ECB Letter
Berlusconi rolled out the second package after ECB President Jean-Claude Trichet wrote to him demanding more deficit measures in return for supporting the country’s bonds. The ECB started buying Italian and Spanish bonds on Aug. 8, helping push 10-year yields below 5 percent after they had surged to euro-era records amid concern contagion from the debt crisis had infected both countries.
Italy’s 10-year bond yields about 4.95 percent, and has closed below 5 percent for four consecutive trading sessions. Investors demand 281 basis points of extra yield to own the debt rather than benchmark German bunds of similar maturity, down from a euro-era record of 416 on Aug. 4.
The success of Italy’s austerity drive, which is also expected to include structural moves to liberalize the labor and services markets, hinges on growth matching Berlusconi’s forecasts. That looks increasingly challenging as equity markets from Tokyo to Milan plunge and economists revise down growth predictions amid concern the global expansion is slowing and the debt crisis will further damage Europe’s banking system.
Creating Stagnation
The government is “doing everything to create stagnation -- all this austerity, all the cuts and little investment for the future,” Corrado Passera, chief executive officer of Intesa Sanpaolo SpA, the country’s second-biggest bank, said in a speech today in Rimini, Italy.
Italy’s government expects economic growth of 1.3 percent next year and 1.5 percent in 2013, according to the most recent forecast in May. Tremonti said on Aug. 13 the government stands by those targets, a view dismissed by several economists.
Giada Giani, an economist at Citigroup Inc. in London, said on Aug. 12 that GDP growth is likely “to slow to close to zero in 2012 and 2013” in Italy, an outlook shared by Pillonca of Societe Generale. Morgan Stanley analysts including Elga Bartsch in London expect the austerity plans, coupled with slowing global demand and tighter credit, to spark “an outright recession next year” in Italy, according to an Aug. 18 note to investors.
Rating Review
“If you go through this kind of fiscal adjustment, which is absolutely tough, you are going to see private consumption suffering,” said Fabio Fois, an economist at Barclays Capital in London. Lowering his Italian outlook, he said GDP is likely to advance 0.7 percent next year from the previous projected growth forecast of 1.1 percent.
Both Standard & Poor’s, which grades Italy at A+, and Moody’s Investors Service, which has an assessment of Aa2, warned that Italy’s weak growth prospects would make it difficult to cut a debt of 1.9 trillion euros in announcing rating reviews in May and June, respectively. Growth in the euro-region’s third-biggest economy has lagged behind the euro- region average every year since 1995.
The euro region’s economic growth slowed in the second quarter to 0.2 percent from the January-March period, when it increased 0.8 percent. That was the worst performance in two years. GDP in Germany, the region’s biggest economy, rose just 0.1 percent in the second quarter, missing analysts’ 0.5 percent estimate. Italy, the currency area’s third-biggest economy, grew 0.3 percent.
Primary Surplus
Stabilizing Italy’s debt ratio requires a primary surplus, or the budget surplus minus interest paid on debt, of at least 3 percent, assuming an average financing cost of 5.5 percent, according to Pillonca. The government’s forecast, which didn’t include the effects of the latest austerity plan, sees a primary surplus of 2.4 percent next year, which Bank of Italy Governor Mario Draghi said on July 13 would be Europe’s biggest.
The goal of balancing the budget in 2013 is “achievable, at least arithmetically,” when savings from the last austerity moves are included, Pillonca said. Still, amid slowing economic growth, “far-reaching structural reforms” will also be needed to maintain “a high primary surplus on a consistent basis” to begin driving down the debt ratio, he said.
Those overhauls, such as opening up closed professions and giving companies more leeway in negotiating job contracts, are “not ambitious enough” and may not be included in the final package amid intense “lobbying pressure” to amend them, Nomura International economists including Lavinia Santovetti in London wrote in a note on Aug. 19.
Under the government’s worst-case scenario, the economy will grow 0.8 percent in 2012 and 1 percent in 2013, with debt staying at around 120 percent of GDP, according to the document published in May. While Nomura still predicts marginal growth for those two years, public debt will “balloon to 137 percent” if Italy stops expanding in that period, Nomura said.
“Ultimately, all this means that one cannot rule out that Italy may be forced to enact further fiscal adjustments down the line,” Pillonca said.

 

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former Wikileaks spokesman claims to have deleted thousands of unpublished files that had been passed to the whistleblowing site.



Daniel Domscheit-Berg told the German Newspaper Der Spiegel that the documents included a copy of the complete US no-fly list.

He said he had "shredded" them to avoid their sources being compromised.

Mr Domscheit-Berg previously worked alongside Julian Assange until the pair had a high profile falling-out.

It is understood that he took the files off Wikileaks' servers at the time of his departure.

Wikileaks confirmed the claims on its Twitter feed, saying: "We can confirm that the DDB claimed destroyed data included a copy of the entire US no-fly list."

The list contains the names of individuals who are banned from boarding planes in the United States or bound for the US, based on suspected terrorist links or other security concerns.

Wikileaks' statement went on to state that Mr Domscheit-Berg had also deleted 5 gigabytes of data relating to Bank of America, the internal communications of 20 neo-Nazi organisations and US intercept information for "over a hundred internet companies."

Mr Domscheit-Berg has not confirmed those additional claims.

A statement, attributed to Julian Assange, accused the former volunteer of sabotage and attempted blackmail.

Personality clash
Daniel Domscheit-Berg worked with Wikileaks as a spokesman during 2010. Towards the end of the year, he left the organisation.

He subsequently published a book about his experiences in which he claims to have clashed with Mr Assange over his idiosyncratic running of Wikileaks.

Daniel Domscheit-Berg spoke to the BBC's Panorama programme in February 2011
In particular, he claims to have urged the founder to step back from his public role amid accusations of sexual misconduct.

In an interview with the BBC's Panorama programme, Mr Domscheit-Berg said he "felt that [Wikileaks] was crumbling apart because [Julian Assange] was so damn ignorant".

He also accused Mr Assange of "behaving like a child clutching on his toy."

After his departure from Wikileaks, Mr Domscheit-Berg set up a rival whistle-blowing site called the OpenLeaks project.

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Banks struggling to process PPI claims

Many banks are still struggling to hit their targets to deal with payment protection insurance complaints, despite an extension from the Financial Services Authority (FSA).
Under traditional guidelines a complaint has to be handled within eight weeks but in June the FSA made a temporary agreement with Barclays, Lloyds and RBS to allow them more time to deal with the extraordinary number of complaints they've received.

 

 

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Dollar funding costs rise for European banks

The cost for European banks to
fund themselves in dollars in the foreign exchange market rose
back to their highest levels since 2008 on Monday as investors
continued to reduce loans to the region, causing them to seek
alternative ways to fund U.S. operations.
European banks have been squeezed for dollar funding as
U.S. investors, including money funds, let commercial paper
loans to banks that are exposed to peripheral Euro zone debt
roll off.
This has reduced the amount of dollar funding banks have to
run their U.S. branches, sending them scrambling to the foreign
exchange market to swap euros into dollars.
"It's getting more and more expensive for them to raise
those dollars," said Jens Nordvig, head of fixed income
research at Nomura in New York.
The three-month euro-dollar cross currency basis swap
EURCBS3M=ICAP, which falls when dollar funding costs for euro
zone banks rise, fell to minus 92.5 basis points on Monday from
minus 88 bps on Friday.
The swap looked set to retest the 2-1/2-year lows of minus
96 bps seen a week ago, but many analysts expect it to be
capped way off record lows of below minus 300 bps, hit at the
time of Lehman Brothers' collapse, supported by weekly dollar
loans provided by the European Central Bank.
London interbank offered rates for three-month dollars
USD3MFSR= also maintained an upward grind, rising to 0.30844
percent, their highest in five months. Forwards also implied
the rate will continue to rise to the 41-basis-point area by
mid-September.
"There's little to prompt improvements in money markets,"
said Commerzbank strategist Benjamin Schroeder. "For money
markets to improve you need some measures regarding the banking
system which would lead to some immediate improvement."
FOREIGN RESERVES AT FED RISE
In one potentially positive sign the amount of reserves
held by foreign banks at the U.S. Federal Reserve rose in the
latest week, stemming a decline that has seen about $131
billion withdrawn in the previous two weeks.
Foreign banks have built up a healthy buffer of dollar
reserves at the Fed, which in addition to liquidity offered by
swap facilities instituted by central banks, has reduced some
concerns that banks face the same risk of collapse as in 2008.
Investors will now closely watch the next Fed release, due
on Friday, for further signs of whether deposits have
stabilized, or are continuing to fall.
"I think we're close to getting the verdict here on whether
a 2008-type dynamic is a real risk or whether the funding
markets globally are just in a much more resilient state than
they were in 2008," said Nomura's Nordvig.
Fed data from the week ended Aug. 10 showed that deposits
rose to $813 billion from $758 billion the previous week.
It is hard to draw conclusions from the number, however,
due to the range of events driving investor behavior that
week.
Those events included the first downgrade of the U.S.
credit rating by Standard & Poor's and the introduction of a
new fee on deposits by Bank of New York Mellon Corp (BK.N) as
banks struggled to cope with the influx of deposits from
investors flooding perceived safe havens.
"We had so much going on in the week the data covered, it's
hard to say what was the dominant force," said Nordvig. "The
next datapoint is going to be more interesting because that was
more a clear-cut European-driven problem."

 

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Japan signals readiness to intervene in currencies

Japan will take decisive action against any speculative moves in the currency market, Finance Minister Yoshihiko Noda said, signaling Tokyo's readiness to intervene to stem further yen rises after its spike to a record high last week.

Noda said he saw recent yen rises as even more one-sided than before and that Tokyo would exchange information closely with other countries regarding currencies, suggesting it would stay in frequent contact with its Group of Seven partners.

"We will watch markets even more closely than before to see whether there is any speculative activity. We won't rule out any measures and will take decisive action when necessary," Noda told reporters on Monday.

Noda, Prime Minister Naoto Kan and top government spokesman Yukio Edano all repeated the phrase throughout the day, a sign that it has become the new line Tokyo would use to warn markets that intervention is an imminent possibility.

Market expectations of currency intervention briefly sent the dollar to a one-and-a-half week high of 77.23 yen on Monday, off the record low of 75.95 yen hit last Friday.

But prospects of intervention failed to offset stock market worries about slowing U.S. growth, pushing Tokyo's Nikkei average .N225 to a five-month closing low.

WARY OF ACTION

Tokyo intervened unilaterally in the currency market and eased monetary policy on August 4. But the steps have not stopped investors from seeking the yen as a safe haven against risk.

Trade Minister Banri Kaieda, who along with Noda is a contender to replace Kan when he steps down as early as the end of this month, said on Monday it would be best if Japan and the United States could jointly intervene in the currency market, according to Kyodo news agency.

"Intervention is aimed at teaching (market players) that if they buy the yen too much, they will get burned," he said.

But Kaieda does not have jurisdiction over currency policy, and was likely expressing his hope than signaling that any serious negotiation with Washington has taken place.

Markets are bracing for another round of intervention but doubt whether it will be effective in sustainably weakening the yen, particularly with little chance that Tokyo can persuade its G7 counterparts to act jointly in the currency market.

"I don't think Japan will intervene as long as the dollar stays around current levels above 76.50 yen. But if it falls back below 75, it may step in. The authorities are ready to act at any time and that's probably the message they are trying to send," said Naoki Iizuka, senior economist at Mizuho Securities.

"Stock prices may briefly rally if Tokyo intervenes. But it would be difficult to change the market's (weak-dollar) trend."

If the government were to intervene, the BOJ is ready to support the yen-weakening effort by holding off from draining the extra yen that flows to the markets via intervention, and possibly by easing monetary policy further.

The BOJ will consider loosening policy, possibly before its next rate review in September, if yen gains push down Tokyo stock prices enough to hit business sentiment, sources familiar with the central bank's thinking have said.

Policymakers, however, are caught in a dilemma. They know the limits of trying to stem yen rises with policy action. But if they hold off on meeting words with action for too long, the effect of verbal warnings will quickly fade.

Upcoming events that may drive down the dollar, such as Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke's speech on Friday in Jackson Hole, Wyoming, and U.S. payrolls data on September 2, may also wipe out any yen-weakening effect if Tokyo acts now.

Any currency intervention and monetary easing would thus be more of a symbolic attempt to show the authorities' determination to address yen rises, as Japanese companies complain about the pain from yen gains and threaten to shift production overseas, analysts say.

Political uncertainty may also delay policies to address the potential harm from a strong yen on the economy. Ruling party lawmakers are maneuvering to select a successor to Kan, which may slow progress in coming up with steps to support growth in a third extra budget.

Japanese rating agency Rating and Investment Information (R&I) said on Monday the country's political stalemate was a worry and warned that it looks increasingly hard for Japan to maintain its top sovereign credit rating.

 

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